The initial goal of the Mexican Revolution was simply the overthrow of the Díaz dictatorship, but that relatively simple political movement broadened into a major economic and social upheaval that presaged the fundamental character of Mexico’s 20th-century experience. During the long struggle, the Mexican people developed a sense of identity and purpose, perhaps unmatched by any other Latin American republic. Many reforms had been established by 1940, when the goals of the revolution were institutionalized as guidelines for future Mexican policies. The violence of 1910 gave a clear start to the Mexican Revolution, but scholars disagree on an end point: as a convention many use the year 1920, but some end it with the 1917 constitution or events in the 1920s, and still others argue that the revolution slowly unravelled until 1940.
The military revolution
On Feb. 14, 1911, Madero crossed into Mexico near Ciudad Juárez to head his forces. In the next few months the rebels learned how debilitated the Díaz army had become; led by aged generals, the Federalist troops lacked discipline, cohesion, unity of command, and effectiveness. Under these circumstances the revolution gained ground and momentum. The surrender of the Federal commander at Juárez at May 10 marked the beginning of the end. An agreement negotiated with the Díaz regime provided that Díaz would resign, that an interim president, Francisco León de la Barra, would call general elections, and that revolutionary forces would be discharged. On May 25 Díaz resigned and sailed for Paris. Several revolutionary bands, including that of Emiliano Zapata, resisted the military demobilization previously agreed upon.
Madero won the presidential election in October 1911, but his new government was able to withstand constant attacks from the right and left for only 15 months. A series of unsuccessful revolts culminated in a successful plot in Feb. 1913. From Feb. 9 to Feb. 18, 1913—known in Mexican history as the Decena Trágica (“Ten Tragic Days”)—downtown Mexico City was converted into a battle zone. Civilian casualties were high, and the fighting ended only after the commander of the government forces, Victoriano Huerta, together with his troops, changed sides and joined the rebels. Madero and his vice president, José María Pino Suárez, were promptly arrested, enabling Huerta to seize the presidency for himself.
Shortly thereafter, presumably on Huerta’s orders, Madero and Pino Suárez were shot while being transferred from one prison to another. Their deaths rekindled revolutionary fires. In northern Mexico, Venustiano Carranza, refusing to recognize Huerta as president, demanded that the office be elective, as specified in the constitution. He called his new movement the Constitutionalist Revolution. Former chieftains such as Villa made loose alliances with Carranza. The revolution had begun to fragment, and the fighting would last for many years.
Venustiano Carranza (seated) and other leaders of the forces that rebelled against Pres. Victoriano Huerta during the Mexican Revolution, photographed probably in Sonora, Mex., 1913.Bain Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (LC-DIG-ggbain-14637)
The new president of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, was determined to oust Huerta and, on flimsy pretexts, landed U.S. troops at Veracruz and occupied it . All of the revolutionary leaders except Villa rejected this external intervention in a national struggle. The combined revolutionary forces unseated Huerta in 1914 but then split over who was to exercise presidential power. Zapata in Morelos and Villa in the north joined to fight the revolutionary groups under Carranza, the most important of which was headed by General Álvaro Obregón. Obregón won a decisive victory over Villa at the Battle of Celaya in April 1915 but failed to bring the civil war to an immediate end. Sporadic warfare continued until 1920, and less organized violence reappeared even after that time.
Gen. Álvaro Obregón, 1917.Harris & Ewing Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (LC-DIG-hec-09853)
With most of central and southern Mexico under Constitutionalist control, Carranza in 1916 convoked a constituent congress in Querétaro to revise and update the constitution of 1857. In the course of fighting, the economic and social demands of the radical precursors had become common slogans as contending revolutionary bands bid for popular support. The constitution of 1917 incorporated the aspirations of those groups involved in the revolution. While Zapata’s followers championed the cause of agrarian reform, others in the constitutional assembly pushed for the protection of urban labour. Several groups advocated widening the educational base by making primary school available to the Mexican masses, most of whom had never had the opportunity to learn to read and write.
The constitution of 1917 specifically incorporated the major features of the 1824 and 1857 charters regarding territorial organization, civil liberties, democratic forms, and anticlerical and antimonopoly clauses. The constitution completely reversed the concept widely held in Mexico that government should take only a limited, passive role. It argued that the national government had an obligation to take an active role in promoting the social, economic, and cultural well-being of its citizens. Article 3 sketched a vast plan of secular, free, compulsory public education. Article 14 reaffirmed the sanctity of private property and contracts, but Article 27 interjected concepts of social utility and national benefit to limit the untrammeled use of private property. The most-important new concepts came in Articles 27 and 123. The former reasserted national ownership of subsoil resources and outlined alternative land-reform and agrarian programs. The latter, the Magna Carta of labour and social welfare, was set apart to highlight its importance; in addition to guaranteeing minimum wages and the right to organize and strike, it gave labour social status and destroyed the concept of it as an economic commodity to be bought at the lowest rates to maximize profits. Article 123 also outlined a comprehensive system of social security, including public health and welfare programs. Reflecting the nationalistic feelings of the revolutionaries, foreigners and foreign interests were placed under limitations.
The constitution of 1917 set the goals toward which presidents were to work. As expected, Carranza was elected president and given de jure recognition by the United States. When Zapata was betrayed and killed in 1919, the last organized opposition to the Carranza-Obregón reorganization dissolved. Villa retired from active campaigning after his raids across the border, especially one in Columbus, N.M. (March 9, 1916), had failed to embroil the United States in conflict with Carranza. Ultimately, Villa was ambushed and killed by political enemies in 1923.
The northern dynasty: Obregón and Calles
When Carranza failed to move toward immediate social reforms, General Obregón enlisted two other powerful northern Mexican chieftains, Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta, to join him in an almost bloodless coup; together they formed the northern dynasty. Carranza was killed as he fled from Mexico City, and Obregón took office as president Dec. 1, 1920. The dynasty agreed that peace was needed to rehabilitate Mexico from the devastations of nearly a decade of civil upheaval. Using a combination of force and political incentives, Obregón placated many ambitious military leaders.
Obregón began to implement the ideals set forth in the constitution. Administrative machinery was set up to distribute land to the landless and to restore communal holdings (ejidos) to villages. The government supported the Regional Confederation of Mexican Labour (Confederación Regional de Obreros Mexicanos; CROM). José Vasconcelos, who was named minister of education, was to implement the program of rural education. He sponsored a cultural program that brought Mexico worldwide fame and importance. Radical mural painters such as Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros, who were commissioned to portray Mexican and especially revolutionary history on public buildings, exalted the indigenous past. Frida Kahlo expressed similar concerns in social and political arenas, but her paintings were less public. Novelists Martín Luis Guzmán, Gregorio López y Fuentes, and Nellie Campobello used the written word to convey radical and revolutionary messages.
At the end of his term, Obregón stepped aside for Calles. Calles’s presidency followed the same general lines as had Obregón’s. Land distribution was stepped up, an irrigation program was begun, and in 1925 renewed pressure was put on the petroleum companies to exchange for leases the titles they had obtained from Díaz. Problems with the church developed when Calles instituted vigorously anticlerical measures; in retaliation the church suspended all religious ceremonies and approved and possibly sponsored a rebellion in western Mexico known as the Cristeros. Mediation of the church-state controversy was unofficially accomplished by Dwight W. Morrow, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, whose sympathetic and skillful diplomacy also eased tensions between the two countries.
In 1928 the presidential term was extended from four to six years, and the doctrine of “no reelection” was modified to mean “no successive reelection.” Obregón was the successful presidential candidate in 1928, but, as president-elect, he was assassinated by José de León Toral, a religious fanatic.
With Calles legally barred from succeeding himself, a peculiarly Mexican political party was formed: the National Revolutionary Party, which, after several incarnations, would eventually become the Institutional Revolutionary Party. Its monopoly on power would occasion major controversy in the years ahead. Formed under Calles’s inspiration, it was initially a coalition of regional and local military bosses and labour and peasant leaders. To safeguard the gains of the revolution, Calles excluded the Roman Catholic Church and other possible reactionary elements. With Calles at its head, the official party governed in the name of the revolution. A congress, drawn from party ranks, named successive, short-term presidents to fill out the term to which Obregón had been elected.
In the period 1928–34 a worldwide depression (see Great Depression) and increasing personal vested interests caused many of the older, now conservative revolutionaries, including Calles, to go slowly in implementing the reform mandates of the constitution. The ruling clique continued to be militantly anticlerical, but it withdrew support from CROM, which disintegrated. It also slowed the pace of land distribution and curtailed educational programs. On the positive side, the Calles years saw the beginnings of an irrigation and road-building program.
Resurgence under Cárdenas
Within the revolutionary family, General Lázaro Cárdenas was a respected if not outstanding revolutionary. Having quietly and faithfully worked his way up the ladder of politico-military power during the Obregón and Calles years, he seemed a safe candidate in the 1934 elections. He was also acceptable to a powerful group within the party, which drafted a six-year plan incorporating extended revolutionary reforms.
With his election to the presidency for a six-year term beginning in 1934, Cárdenas moved to the left in frank opposition to Calles’s wishes. When the inevitable test of power came, Cárdenas won, pushed Calles into temporary exile, and renamed and reorganized the party. He gave four important groups special representation: peasants; labour; the military; and the so-called “popular sector,” which included, among others, bureaucrats and teachers. The four sectors agreed to support the slate of candidates the party designated. The local, state, and national representatives made party policy and ratified the president’s choice of candidates.
With massive popular support and with the power elites under control, Cárdenas tirelessly pushed toward revolutionary goals. He and his advisers elaborated the land-reform programs; using land expropriated from private owners, they created communal cooperatives and gave them ejido status. By the end of his term, about 40 percent of the rural working force was under the ejido program. Cárdenas also nationalized railways and placed them under the management of labour.
Perhaps Cárdenas’s single most spectacular action was the expropriation of foreign petroleum companies following a labour dispute in which unions demanded not only wage increases but also participation in what management considered its exclusive role. A series of court cases and special boards found in favour of the workers. When the companies refused to accept the decisions, Cárdenas on March 18, 1938, decreed expropriation of their holdings, thus nationalizing the petroleum industry. Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex), then a small agency, was designated to administer the industry for the country. The British government, whose nationals had a far larger stake than U.S. firms, immediately broke diplomatic relations. After a short delay U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt indicated that, if Mexico would make prompt and fair payments, he would not intervene diplomatically on behalf of the oil companies. This sympathetic reaction was based largely on the advice of the U.S. ambassador, Josephus Daniels, who as secretary of the navy had ordered the occupation of Veracruz in 1914 but who over the years had become a warm friend of the Mexican people.
Mexicans consider March 18, 1938, as the anniversary of Mexican economic independence. Cárdenas had not only restored an important resource to national patrimony but also showed that national honour and dignity could not be flouted by foreign entrepreneurs, however powerful. After engaging in propaganda campaigns, boycotts, blacklists, and other forms of economic warfare, the oil companies eventually were forced to settle their claims on essentially Mexican terms. Removing a pretext for intervention, the Mexican government made certain that the companies received all of their payments on time.
Once the initial bungling was over, Pemex developed the capacity to fuel the industrial revolution that marked Mexico’s next epoch. No one realized at the time how important petroleum would become on the world political and economic scene in the decades ahead.
General Manuel Ávila Camacho, whom Cárdenas supported, and General Juan Andreu Almazán fought a close and bitter contest for the presidency in 1940. When Almazán lost, he sought U.S. support for a revolution. But to emphasize the U.S. position toward Ávila Camacho and Mexico, Roosevelt sent Vice President Henry A. Wallace to attend the inauguration. When Cárdenas left the presidency in November 1940, a major chapter of the Mexican Revolution had closed.
Ávila Camacho’s domestic policy was conciliatory. While retaining earlier forms, he placated Roman Catholics by announcing, “I am a believer.” These words had political importance that transcended their immediate religious significance. They meant that the social programs of the Mexican Revolution would slow down after 1940. The overriding issues of the day, however, were diplomatic and economic; the Cárdenas resurgence had increased Mexico’s self-respect but had left its economy in a depressed state. The economy would be tested during World War II.
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